By M. Steven Fish, Graeme Gill, Milenko Petrovic
This edited quantity seeks to appreciate and clarify the trend of various nationwide and local good fortune in post-communist political and monetary transition around the post-communist international. regardless of common hopes for the advance of full of life democratic political structures and colourful marketplace economies, the results of 1 / 4 century of post-communist transition within the international locations of the previous communist bloc in Eurasia were greatly version. a few have matched those hopes, together with changing into complete contributors of the european; others have fallen a ways brief, with political and financial structures little replaced from the communist period. This assortment, with an the world over revered checklist of individuals, addresses a number of the urgent concerns in political technology and transition experiences, starting from theoretical overviews to the extra particular nitty-gritty of latest politics.
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S. FISH Post-communist countries in Eastern Europe, on the other hand, enjoyed advantages of being in the “good neighborhood” of Western Europe. Especially important was the promise of membership in the European Union (EU). Elites and mass publics alike longed to join Europe and reap the economic beneﬁts of EU membership. Since the EU requires that new entrants be democracies, the countries that had a shot at meeting the economic criteria for accession also had an incentive to hold free elections and uphold civil rights.
Russia’s military modernization has depended in part on a long run of high oil prices. But we have little reason to think that the sprawling police apparatuses that rulers command in Russia, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and Turkmenistan would be much weaker in the absence of oil rents. Nor has oil wealth been necessary to maintain a powerful police state apparatus, as Serbia under Slobodan Milosevic, Belarus under Aleksandr Lukashenko, and Uzbekistan under Islam Karimov show. But the post-communist experience suggests that oil can poison democracy’s prospects in ways other than by creating a rentier state, truncating modernization, or funding a powerful coercive apparatus.
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